What Is Preventing Gilgit Baltistan from Becoming a Constitutional Province?
🔳 If present day realities are taken into account, Gilgit Baltistan today arguably holds greater strategic importance for Pakistan than Kashmir itself. Pakistan’s land connection with China, the China Pakistan Economic Corridor, billions of dollars in investment, the Diamer Bhasha Dam, and important defence routes are all located in this region. For this reason, continuing to keep Gilgit Baltistan under an unclear federal status rather than granting it formal constitutional provincial status requires serious reconsideration.
▫️ Was linking Gilgit Baltistan with the Kashmir dispute a historical mistake?
▫️ There is considerable debate about creating new provinces in Pakistan, but why is there silence when it comes to making Gilgit Baltistan a province?
▫️ Why has Pakistan still not been able to make Gilgit Baltistan a formal constitutional province? What constitutional, diplomatic, or political obstacles have delayed such a decision for decades?
Subject: Does Pakistan Need New Provinces? | Episode 7
What Is Preventing Gilgit Baltistan from Becoming a Constitutional Province?
🔺 The constitutional status of Gilgit Baltistan is a sensitive national issue. In light of the resolution adopted by its present Legislative Assembly, immediate progress should therefore be made towards granting the region the status of an interim constitutional province.
Written and Researched by Syed Shayan
Gilgit Baltistan is not currently a formal constitutional province of Pakistan. It is a separate territory administered by the federation and is generally regarded as a federally administered Administrative Unit. Spread over 72,496 square kilometres of difficult mountainous terrain, it had a population of approximately 1.71 million according to the 2023 Census, with an average population density of about 24 persons per square kilometre.
Under the present administrative structure, Gilgit Baltistan consists of 3 divisions, Gilgit, Baltistan and Diamer, and 10 established districts. Gilgit Division comprises Gilgit, Ghizer, Hunza and Nagar. Baltistan Division comprises Skardu, Shigar, Ghanche and Kharmang. Diamer Division comprises Diamer and Astore.
Basic Statistics of Gilgit Baltistan
Total Area: 72,496 square kilometres
Population 2023: 1,709,049, approximately 1.709 million
Divisions: 3
Districts: 10
Tehsils: 34
Average Population Density: approximately 24 persons per square kilometre
1. Gilgit Division
Gilgit District
Area: 4,208 square kilometres
Population: 324,552
Tehsils: Gilgit, Danyor, Jaglot
Ghizer District
Area: 12,381 square kilometres
Population: 200,069
Tehsils: Punial, Ishkoman, Gupis, Yasin, Phander
In the official 2026 EMIS records, Gupis and Yasin continue to be shown as part of Ghizer District.
Hunza District
Area: 10,109 square kilometres
Population: 65,497
Tehsils: Aliabad, Gojal, Shinaki
Nagar District
Area: 4,137 square kilometres
Population: 87,410
Tehsils: Nagar I, Sikandarabad Nagar II, Chalt
2. Baltistan Division
Skardu District
Area: 10,168 square kilometres
Population: 278,885
Tehsils: Skardu, Gamba, Roundu, Gultari
Shigar District
Area: 4,173 square kilometres
Population: 84,608
Tehsils: Shigar, Gulabpur
Kharmang District
Area: 6,144 square kilometres
Population: 61,304
Tehsil: Kharmang
Ghanche District
Area: 8,531 square kilometres
Population: 157,822
Tehsils: Khaplu, Mashabrum, Daghoni, Chorbat, Keris, Ghawari
In the current official EMIS records, Ghawari is listed as a separate tehsil, while Haldi falls under Mashabrum Tehsil.
3. Diamer Division
Diamer District
Area: 7,234 square kilometres
Population: 337,329
Tehsils: Chilas, Darel, Tangir, Babusar, Goharabad
In the official 2026 records, Darel and Tangir continue to be shown as part of Diamer District.
Astore District
Area: 5,411 square kilometres
Population: 111,573
Tehsils: Astore, Shounter
A review of the above details concerning divisions, districts and tehsils shows that Gilgit Baltistan already has an established governmental structure. The central question is therefore simple: when will it be granted constitutional provincial status?
For several decades, the people of Gilgit Baltistan have consistently demanded that the region be recognised as a constitutional province of Pakistan so that its citizens can obtain full and formal representation in the National Assembly, the Senate and other constitutional institutions, including the NFC and CCI.
The strongest formal basis for this public and political demand is the unanimous resolution adopted by the Gilgit Baltistan Legislative Assembly on 11 August 2015. The resolution called upon the federation to declare Gilgit Baltistan an interim constitutional province, or Provisional Province, until the final international settlement of the Kashmir dispute, so that the region’s citizens could receive all basic constitutional rights without prejudicing Pakistan’s international position.
This resolution was not merely symbolic. It explicitly stated that the people of Gilgit Baltistan had liberated the region from Dogra rule in 1947 and 1948 and had acceded to Pakistan without conditions. Since then, the people of the region have used Pakistani passports and have remained part of the administrative system of the State of Pakistan, yet constitutionally they still remain outside the formal federal structure.
The demand continued after 2015. In March 2021, the Gilgit Baltistan Assembly once again unanimously adopted a resolution seeking interim provincial status.
In July 2026, the Assembly again unanimously reiterated the same position and called for implementation of the recommendations of the Sartaj Aziz Committee. That committee had also recommended interim provincial status so that Pakistan’s international position on Kashmir could remain protected until a final settlement.
The people of the region have also demanded constitutional rights and full national representation for many years. The question of making Gilgit Baltistan a formal Constitutional Province of Pakistan should therefore no longer be indefinitely postponed. It should now be taken seriously towards a final decision.
The question, then, is this: why does Pakistan not make Gilgit Baltistan a legal province?
Pakistan has refrained from granting Gilgit Baltistan permanent constitutional provincial status primarily because of its connection with the Kashmir dispute. The official position is that if Article 1 of the Constitution were amended to incorporate the region as a permanent province, it could create the international impression that Pakistan had permanently integrated the territory. This could, in turn, weaken Pakistan’s position on the right of self determination under United Nations resolutions concerning Kashmir.
For this reason, the Sartaj Aziz Committee recommended interim constitutional provincial status in 2015. Later, in 2020, Imran Khan also announced that Gilgit Baltistan would be granted interim provincial status, but the required constitutional amendment was never completed. The same formula remains under discussion so that the region’s citizens can receive representation and constitutional rights while Pakistan’s international position remains protected.
If Gilgit Baltistan is granted interim constitutional provincial status, its existing 3 divisions, Gilgit, Baltistan and Diamer, appear sufficient and reasonably balanced for the present. There is no strong and sustained demand for the creation of a fourth or fifth division. It may therefore be preferable to begin with the existing administrative boundaries. Gilgit could remain the provincial capital, while a permanent second secretariat or seasonal sessions of the Assembly could be established in Skardu so that the people of Baltistan also have greater administrative access.
As a student of history and politics, I often ask myself whether linking Gilgit Baltistan with the Kashmir dispute was a historical mistake on the part of Pakistan’s former rulers.
My own view is that making Gilgit Baltistan’s constitutional status conditional upon the Kashmir dispute proved to be a political decision that left the people of this region constitutionally suspended for decades. Looking further back into history, the region has a distinct political, geographical and cultural identity that extends over many centuries.
Historical records from the 7th and 8th centuries contain references to Great Bolor for Baltistan and Little Bolor for the Gilgit region. The distinguished historian Dr Ahmad Hasan Dani, in his book History of Northern Areas of Pakistan, also discusses the region’s distinct historical identity and makes clear that the whole of present day Gilgit Baltistan did not have one continuous and permanent historical constitutional relationship with Kashmir.
In the 19th century, the Dogra rulers established control over different parts of Gilgit and Baltistan through military force. However, a few decades of Dogra rule cannot reasonably be treated as a substitute for the region’s separate historical identity extending over centuries. In 1947, a revolt against Dogra rule took place in Gilgit, and independence was declared on 1 November, after which the local leadership chose the path of association with Pakistan.
Nevertheless, Gilgit Baltistan had no direct representation in the Karachi Agreement of 1949. Its administrative affairs were handed over to the Government of Pakistan, while its constitutional status remained linked with the Kashmir dispute. In my view, this reflected both insufficient attention to history and a lack of political foresight on the part of earlier policymakers. Had the region’s long and distinct history been fully considered at the time, Gilgit Baltistan might not have been linked to the Kashmir dispute in the manner that it was.
The consequence of that decision is that even today Gilgit Baltistan does not enjoy the status of a full province under the Constitution of Pakistan. It does not have provincial level constitutional representation in the National Assembly and Senate, and its position within important federal constitutional institutions, including the NFC, remains unclear.
India’s actions in 2019 changed the political context of the region when it removed the special constitutional status of Jammu and Kashmir under its administration and incorporated it into its federal system. Following that development, a view also emerged within Pakistan that, as a corresponding measure and without prejudicing Pakistan’s position at the United Nations, Gilgit Baltistan could be granted interim provincial status so that its people could obtain constitutional rights and the problem of its incomplete administrative status could be addressed.
The question is: how long is Gilgit Baltistan to remain under its present Administrative Status?
Gilgit Baltistan is not an ordinary region.
It contains some of the world’s highest mountains, including K2, the great Karakoram and Himalayan ranges, vast glaciers, the Karakoram Highway, Pakistan’s land connection with China, and national assets such as the Diamer Bhasha Dam. The region is therefore of exceptional importance not only because of its natural wealth, but also for Pakistan’s water resources, energy, tourism and national security.
A brief examination of its economic and mineral potential shows that Gilgit Baltistan contains valuable gemstones, including rubies, emeralds and topaz, as well as important industrial and rare minerals such as copper, gold and Rare Earth Elements.
Its tourism economy alone attracts hundreds of thousands of domestic and international tourists every year, generating billions of rupees in economic activity within the region. If Gilgit Baltistan were granted a formal fiscal share under the NFC Award, together with clear provincial laws governing local minerals and tourism, the region could potentially become financially self sufficient rather than remaining dependent on the federation and could contribute billions of rupees to the national economy.
The question therefore arises: is it appropriate for a region of such extraordinary geographical, economic and strategic significance to remain merely an Administrative Unit under federal administration?
The time has come to review this historical issue afresh and grant Gilgit Baltistan the status of an interim constitutional province, thereby giving it a clearly defined place within Pakistan’s constitutional system, parliamentary representation and full constitutional rights.
Pakistan now needs a clear and serious national decision on the constitutional status of Gilgit Baltistan.
(To be continued in the next instalment)
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