August 5 is observed in Pakistan as Youm e Istehsal Kashmir. The occasion is usually discussed in the context of constitutional change, political rights and the wider Kashmir dispute. However, one of the most significant consequences of the decisions taken on August 5, 2019 relates directly to land, housing and ownership of immovable property.
For this reason, the removal of Article 35A cannot be viewed solely as a constitutional event. It also marked a structural change in the real estate and land ownership framework of Indian administered Jammu and Kashmir.
Article 35A was introduced through the Constitution Application to Jammu and Kashmir Order of May 14, 1954. The provision did not itself set out every restriction governing property transactions. Instead, it empowered and constitutionally protected the Jammu and Kashmir legislature’s authority to define permanent residents and grant them special rights relating to government employment, settlement, scholarships and the acquisition of immovable property. Local laws imposing restrictions on other Indian citizens in these areas were protected from being struck down for violating fundamental rights.
This arrangement meant that land in Kashmir was not treated merely as a commodity available to the highest bidder. Property ownership was linked with residence, local identity, economic control and demographic protection. People who were not recognised as permanent residents could not ordinarily enter the property market and establish permanent settlement in the same manner available in most other parts of India.
Many Kashmiris therefore viewed Article 35A as a legal wall protecting their land, culture and long term economic interests.
On August 5, 2019, the Indian government issued a presidential order and secured parliamentary approval for measures that fundamentally changed Jammu and Kashmir’s constitutional status. The Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act 2019 subsequently divided the former state into the Union Territories of Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh, with the reorganisation taking effect on October 31, 2019. On December 11, 2023, the Supreme Court of India upheld the constitutional measures taken in 2019, leaving the new arrangement in force within India’s domestic legal system.
The property implications became clearer during 2020. New domicile rules made additional categories of people eligible for domicile status, including those who had lived in Jammu and Kashmir for fifteen years or had studied there for seven years and appeared in a class ten or class twelve examination at a local educational institution. This replaced the earlier system centred on permanent resident certificates with a broader domicile framework.
Further changes followed in October 2020 when several local land laws were amended and others were repealed. The removal of permanent resident requirements from laws including the Jammu and Kashmir Development Act enabled Indian citizens from outside the region to purchase land that was not classified as agricultural. Officials maintained that agricultural land would remain protected, although the legal framework also permits changes in land use for specified development, commercial, educational, health and other purposes subject to approval and planning requirements.
The Indian government presents these reforms as a means of establishing uniform laws, attracting investment, developing industry, improving infrastructure and creating employment. Official statements have argued that the earlier constitutional arrangement restricted development and prevented Jammu and Kashmir from fully benefiting from national laws and investment programmes. The government has also highlighted industrial policies and major investment proposals as evidence of economic opportunity following the changes.
Pakistan, several Kashmiri political parties and local critics offer a sharply different interpretation. They argue that removing protections associated with land and permanent residency could weaken the economic position of Kashmiris and expose the region to demographic and property market pressures. Pakistan maintains that the revised domicile and land ownership regime is intended to alter Kashmir’s demographic and political character. Local opponents have also raised concerns about speculative purchasing, rising land values and the ability of small property owners to compete with larger investors.
From a real estate perspective, the central question is not simply how many investment projects or commercial developments are announced. The more important issue is who receives the value created by that development.
Higher land prices may benefit existing owners in the short term. However, where local incomes, home ownership and access to affordable housing do not rise at the same pace, property growth can also produce displacement, unaffordable housing and wider economic inequality. Capital entering a fragile market can create employment and infrastructure, but without strong safeguards it can also concentrate land ownership in the hands of more powerful investors.
Kashmir’s property market cannot therefore be treated as an ordinary investment market. Every property transfer, land use conversion, industrial estate, tourism project and allocation of public land may affect local livelihoods, agriculture, the environment and the region’s future demographic composition.
Transparent information is essential. Detailed data should be available on property buyers, their residency status, changes in land classification, agricultural land conversions, market prices and the proportion of land remaining under local ownership. Such information would allow development claims and demographic concerns to be assessed through evidence rather than competing political narratives.
Youm e Istehsal Kashmir is also a reminder that land is more than a physical asset recorded in a revenue document. It represents home, inheritance, livelihood, identity and a community’s connection with its future.
The removal of Article 35A changed the legal entrance to Kashmir’s property market. It also made one question more urgent than ever: who will decide how Kashmir’s land is developed, and who will ultimately receive the greatest share of the value created from it?

The controversy surrounding recent conservation work at Mohra Moradu and Sirkap raises a question that goes far beyond two archaeological locations: should ancient remains be altered in an effort to protect them, or should conservation focus on preserving the original material that has survived through centuries?
This is not simply a disagreement between a provincial department and an international organisation. It concerns Pakistan’s approach to heritage management, urban planning, land use and the treatment of cultural assets that cannot be replaced once their original character is lost.
Taxila was inscribed on the World Heritage List in 1980. It is not a single monument but a serial property consisting of 18 archaeological components. Sirkap provides important evidence of the evolution of urban settlements in the region, while Mohra Moradu represents the Buddhist monastic culture that once flourished across the Taxila valley. UNESCO describes Taxila as one of the most important archaeological sites in Asia.
The current dispute emerged after reports that surviving ancient masonry had been replaced with new construction in some places and that the height of original walls had been increased. According to reports citing officials and UNESCO discussions, the organisation asked Pakistan to reverse interventions considered harmful to the authenticity and integrity of the sites and to submit detailed records of the work. The reports also warned that a failure to take corrective action could place Taxila on the List of World Heritage in Danger.
The Punjab Archaeology Department rejects the description of the work as reconstruction. It maintains that the interventions were intended to stabilise vulnerable remains, prevent further deterioration and protect the sites from environmental damage. The department also says that national and international experts were given a detailed technical presentation during a recent joint visit. Its position deserves to be heard and assessed fairly.
However, good intentions alone cannot determine whether work at an archaeological site is acceptable. Every intervention must be justified through scientific evidence, appropriate materials, detailed documentation and professional accountability.
UNESCO’s operational guidance states that reconstruction of archaeological remains or historic buildings is justified only in exceptional circumstances. It must be based on complete and detailed documentation and must not rely on conjecture. Authenticity is not limited to visual appearance; it is also expressed through original form, design, materials, construction techniques, location and historical setting.
The purpose of archaeological conservation is therefore not to make ruins appear taller, more complete or more visually attractive. An incomplete wall may itself be an authentic historical record. Adding new masonry may improve the site’s appearance, but it becomes problematic when the intervention hides the original limits of the structure, replaces ancient material or makes it difficult for visitors and researchers to distinguish evidence from modern addition.
At the same time, the genuine conservation challenges facing Taxila should not be underestimated. Its exposed remains are vulnerable to extreme weather, vegetation, earthquakes, industrial expansion, quarrying and illegal excavation. Technical intervention may therefore be necessary in some places. The central question is not whether intervention should ever occur, but how much should be done, which materials should be used, whether the work is reversible and whether every decision is properly recorded.
The most credible response from the authorities would be complete transparency. Conservation plans, heritage impact assessments, before and after photographs, technical drawings, laboratory testing of materials, compatibility studies and archaeological research records should be placed before independent specialists and, where appropriate, made publicly accessible. UNESCO reportedly requested this specific documentation in relation to the work at Mohra Moradu and Sirkap.
An independent review panel should include archaeologists, conservation architects, structural engineers, geologists, material scientists, urban planners and heritage law specialists. Its task should be to distinguish essential stabilisation from excessive intervention, identify any additions that threaten the original fabric and recommend which measures can safely be reversed.
The present dispute also exposes a wider institutional weakness. Decisions concerning nationally and internationally significant heritage properties should not depend solely on the discretion of an individual department or project team. Work should begin only after a formal heritage impact assessment, multidisciplinary approval, full photographic recording and consultation with relevant international bodies.
Taxila has faced similar risks before. An attempt to construct a stadium within Bhir Mound in 1998 threatened another component of the World Heritage property. A subsequent UNESCO mission described the decision as a serious mistake and called for impact assessments, defined buffer zones, coordination with planning agencies and an overall management strategy for Taxila.
Nearly three decades later, the reappearance of comparable concerns suggests that the issue is institutional rather than isolated. Pakistan needs enforceable conservation procedures that require independent scrutiny before work begins, rather than investigation and corrective action after potentially irreversible interventions have already been completed.
Taxila’s value does not depend on whether its ruins look new, complete or impressive to visitors. Its importance lies in the credibility of the stones, foundations, streets and surviving walls as genuine evidence of the civilisations that shaped the region.
The government should therefore avoid treating the matter as a contest of institutional authority or national prestige. It should approach it as a responsibility to future generations. Where irreplaceable cultural heritage is at risk, transparency, scientific conservation, minimum intervention and compliance with recognised international standards must take priority over visual improvement, tourism promotion or short term development targets.

Pakistan’s real estate market is showing renewed activity, with rising demand reported in Karachi, Lahore and Islamabad. Market observers estimate that residential property prices have increased by 10% to 15% in some locations, although the trend does not appear to be uniform across every city, project or property category.
The recent movement is being driven by a combination of lower transaction taxes, geopolitical uncertainty in the Middle East, investment by overseas Pakistanis, limited housing supply and the gradual expansion of subsidised housing finance.
One of the most immediate factors is the reduction in withholding taxes on property transactions. Under the Finance Act 2025–26, the withholding tax on property purchases by tax filers was reduced from 2.5% to 1.25%, while the tax on property sales was cut from 5.5% to 2.75%.
These reductions have lowered the cost of completing property transactions for both buyers and sellers. Some investors who had postponed purchases because of high taxes and transaction expenses may now be returning to the market.
Limited supply is another important reason behind higher prices. In Karachi, the number of completed housing units in established and well serviced areas remains restricted compared with demand. Buyers are increasingly choosing completed homes and apartments instead of newly launched projects that may take several years to deliver.
Ready properties offer immediate possession, established infrastructure and fewer construction related risks. This explains why demand may rise sharply in selected localities even when the broader property market remains mixed.
A similar pattern is visible in Lahore and Islamabad, where investors are showing greater interest in developed housing schemes and completed high rise residential projects. Properties with existing roads, electricity, water, security and nearby commercial facilities are attracting more buyers than undeveloped plots or projects facing uncertain completion schedules.
This indicates that the current recovery is selective. Demand is not necessarily increasing across every category of land, housing scheme or apartment development. Projects with clear ownership, regulatory approvals, completed infrastructure and immediate usability are in a stronger position.
Geopolitical tensions in the Middle East have also influenced investment decisions. Some overseas Pakistanis are diversifying their assets by moving part of their capital into Pakistan’s property market. For them, domestic real estate may provide a long term asset, rental income or a future home in their country of origin.
The Prime Minister Apna Ghar housing finance programme is supporting another segment of the market: first time and middle income homebuyers. Banks have reportedly approved PKR 204 billion in housing finance under the programme, while around PKR 27 billion has been disbursed.
The difference between approved and disbursed financing is significant. It suggests that documentation requirements, property verification, bank conditions, processing delays and the shortage of affordable homes may still be limiting the programme’s practical reach.
The reported 10% to 15% increase in residential prices should also be interpreted carefully. Such estimates may reflect activity in particular neighbourhoods or completed projects rather than an equal rise across entire cities. A limited number of high value transactions can create the appearance of a wider price increase.
A sustainable recovery would require stronger evidence from registered property transactions, housing finance disbursements, construction activity, rental trends and the launch of new residential projects.
Pakistan’s property market cannot achieve long term stability through investor demand alone. Faster project approvals, transparent land records, improved access to construction finance, stronger buyer protection and a larger supply of affordable homes will also be necessary.
If demand continues to rise without a corresponding increase in supply, property prices may move further beyond the reach of first time buyers. This could benefit existing owners and short term investors while making the housing shortage more difficult for ordinary families.
However, if increased demand is matched by new construction, the current trend could support employment and growth in cement, steel, glass, tiles, paint, transportation, banking and other related industries.
The real test of the present market recovery is therefore not simply how much property prices rise. Its success will depend on whether new investment produces more homes, better urban infrastructure and affordable housing opportunities for a wider section of the population.

The Senate subcommittee’s review of forest management in Gilgit Baltistan is not limited to timber cutting or the pending cases of licensed contractors. It highlights a wider policy challenge involving land use, natural resource protection, local economic activity, public safety and the future of construction and urban development in the mountain region.
Licensed forest contractors have raised concerns about long delays in legal timber harvesting, complicated government procedures, security risks and disputes that have remained unresolved for decades. These complaints cannot simply be ignored, as every lawful business requires an administrative system that is transparent, efficient and predictable.
When permits, contracts and legal disputes remain pending for years or even decades, confidence in both business and government institutions is weakened. In this context, the subcommittee’s decision to review pending cases, re examine forest working plans and remove unnecessary obstacles to lawful activity is a welcome step.
However, business facilitation must not come at the cost of weakening the protections needed to preserve one of Pakistan’s most limited and valuable natural resources. The forests of Gilgit Baltistan cannot be viewed only as a source of commercial timber. They help stabilise mountain land, reduce soil erosion, protect water catchment areas and regulate the flow of water from rain and melting snow.
These natural functions are also essential for protecting residential settlements, agricultural land, roads, bridges, hotels, tourism destinations and other construction projects across the region. Tree roots hold mountain soil together and provide support to vulnerable slopes. When forests are removed, the soil gradually loses stability, increasing the danger of landslides, falling rocks, flash floods and land subsidence.
These risks directly affect the real estate market. A house, shop, hotel or residential project cannot be considered safe merely because its structure is strong. Even an expensive building may face serious danger if it is located near an unstable slope, a blocked natural drainage channel or an area where forest cover is rapidly disappearing.
The expansion of tourism and construction activity in Gilgit Baltistan is increasing demand for land. Hotels, guest houses, resorts, residential buildings and commercial properties are being developed in different valleys and towns. In this environment, unplanned or excessive tree cutting can make land use risks even more serious.
When trees are removed from a valley or mountain slope, the consequences are not limited to the natural environment. The development potential, market value and long term safety of nearby land may also be affected. Forest policy, therefore, cannot be separated from real estate regulation and regional planning.
Many forests in Gilgit Baltistan are privately or collectively owned by local communities. Their ownership rights must be respected, and they should not be denied lawful economic benefits from forest resources. However, private ownership does not mean that forests and land can be used without regulation.
An individual or community may benefit from its property, but an activity that creates risks for an entire valley, settlement, river, road or neighbouring population cannot be treated as a purely private matter. The state has a responsibility to establish scientifically determined limits for forest use and ensure that legal harvesting does not exceed the environmental capacity of an area.
Every forest area should have a clear and updated working plan. Such a plan should record the number and condition of trees, identify how much timber may be harvested safely, specify areas where cutting must be completely prohibited and explain how new trees will be planted after harvesting.
These plans must not remain limited to paperwork. Environmental specialists, forest officials, local communities, district administrations, land use planners and construction experts should all be involved in their preparation.
Before tree cutting is approved, authorities should assess its possible effects on nearby settlements, roads, rivers, mountain slopes and proposed construction projects. Decisions about forests must be based on the wider safety and development needs of the entire area.
The complaints raised by contractors regarding security threats, administrative barriers and excessive delays require urgent attention. Clear deadlines should be introduced for the approval of contracts, permits and dispute resolution.
A digital record of applications, permissions, approved timber quantities and transportation could also improve transparency. Contractors, local communities and government departments should have access to consistent and verifiable information.
Local residents should also be consulted while contracts and forest management plans are prepared. Communities that have lived near forests for generations possess valuable knowledge about the area’s land, water channels, access routes and natural hazards.
Their involvement could improve decision making and strengthen local monitoring of illegal activities. It would also reduce the risk of policies being imposed without considering the needs and experience of the people most directly affected.
Administrative reform should make lawful business easier, but it must not become an excuse to increase tree cutting or weaken oversight. Faster decisions are necessary, but every approval must remain subject to environmental limits and land safety requirements.
The subcommittee was informed that people involved in illegal tree cutting may face penalties of up to three times the market value of the timber. Several vehicles allegedly used for timber smuggling also remain in government custody.
These measures appear strict, but the true effectiveness of any law depends on consistent and impartial enforcement. If action is taken only against a limited number of individuals while influential operators, facilitators or officials involved in possible collusion remain protected, penalties will fail to control illegal activity.
Illegal tree cutting is rarely limited to the person who physically removes the timber. It may involve organised networks responsible for transportation, storage, purchasing and sale. Effective enforcement must therefore target the entire chain rather than isolated offenders.
Closed circuit television cameras, digital vehicle tracking, identification marks on approved timber and online permits can strengthen monitoring. However, technology cannot replace institutional integrity, accountability and political commitment.
The future of Gilgit Baltistan’s forests is not only a matter for the forest department. It is directly connected with housing, tourism, highways, water resources, agriculture, power projects, disaster management and land values.
When forests are protected, mountain soil, water channels, residential settlements and buildings receive greater natural protection. Forest conservation should therefore be treated as an essential part of real estate planning and public infrastructure policy.
Future regulations should maintain a complete record of every tree approved for cutting, the legal authority under which it is removed and the responsibility for planting replacement trees.
Authorities should identify high risk zones where commercial harvesting is prohibited because of the danger of landslides, flooding, soil erosion or damage to water catchment areas.
Similarly, approval for new housing, hotels and tourism developments should depend on a proper assessment of whether the project affects forest land, natural drains, unstable slopes or water channels.
In mountain regions, building permission should be linked with environmental and forest clearances. This approach may prevent costly damage to lives, property and public infrastructure in the future.
Pakistan already has limited forest cover, while climate change is making mountain regions more vulnerable to floods, extreme rainfall and unstable slopes. Under these conditions, the country cannot afford further regulatory neglect, illegal harvesting or poorly planned construction.
Facilitating lawful business, protecting community rights, resolving disputes on time and conserving forests are not conflicting goals. They can support one another when policy is based on scientific planning, transparent administration and equal enforcement of the law.
The guiding principle must remain clear: the economic benefit obtained from timber may be temporary, but the damage caused by forest loss to land, settlements and buildings can continue for generations.
Every decision regarding the forests of Gilgit Baltistan should therefore be made with long term environmental sustainability, land safety and the protection of human settlements as its highest priorities.

Pakistan’s electricity challenge is no longer limited to how much power the country can produce. The more pressing questions are when that electricity is available, which source produces it and how quickly generation can respond when demand rises.
Nearly 125 billion units of electricity were generated for the national grid during the financial year 2025-26, an increase of only 1.5 percent over the previous year. The overall number appears relatively stable, but the generation mix reveals a major change taking place inside the electricity system.
Hydropower generation reached a record level of nearly 40 billion units and contributed about 31 percent of total grid electricity. This large supply of low-cost power helped contain average generation costs, but it could not fully resolve the new challenge emerging during evening hours.
The challenge is timing, not only supply
Solar systems are spreading rapidly across homes, shops, offices, farms and industrial facilities. During daylight hours, many consumers produce a significant portion of the electricity they need through their own solar panels.
This does not necessarily mean that electricity consumption has disappeared. It means that part of the consumption has moved away from the national grid and behind the consumer’s electricity meter.
Government estimates indicate that rooftop solar installations across Pakistan have exceeded 20,000 megawatts. Behind-the-meter solar capacity has been estimated at around 12,000 to 14,000MW and could be even higher. This rapidly growing capacity has significantly reduced the electricity consumers draw from the grid during sunny hours.
The position changes after sunset. Homes continue using lights, fans and air conditioners, while shops and commercial activities remain operational. Solar generation, however, falls rapidly and eventually stops.
A large volume of demand then returns to the national grid within a relatively short period. This pattern of weak daytime grid demand followed by a steep evening increase is commonly described as the “duck curve”.
Why was more coal needed despite record hydropower?
An important question arises from the annual generation figures. If hydropower production was at a record level, why did Pakistan have to generate substantially more electricity from imported coal?
One major reason was the shortfall in electricity generated from imported liquefied natural gas, or RLNG.
RLNG-based generation ended the year around 19 percent below the planned reference level, leaving a shortfall of almost four billion units.
Modern RLNG plants can play an important role in meeting changes in grid demand because their output can generally be adjusted more easily than that of traditional baseload plants. However, limited fuel availability prevented the system from obtaining the planned level of RLNG generation.
Imported-coal generation was increased to fill the gap. It finished approximately 43 percent above the planned reference level, producing almost four billion additional units.
Coal plants are not simply switched on when the sun sets. Instead, they may have to remain operational for longer periods so that dependable thermal generation is available when evening and nighttime demand rises.
What the economic merit order shows
The Independent System and Market Operator, or ISMO, arranges available power plants according to their incremental generation cost. This ranking is known as the economic merit order.
In simple terms, the system first attempts to obtain electricity from plants with lower variable costs. As electricity demand rises, plants placed further down the list, with higher generation costs, may also have to be dispatched.
ISMO’s website lists economic merit orders for July 2026, including separate publications for July 5 and July 12. Its market data section also provides 2026 datasets comparing marginal prices with electricity demand, along with separate marginal-price information.
The marginal price can be understood as the cost associated with the final generating plant needed to meet demand during a particular period. When evening demand requires a higher-cost plant to enter the system, the marginal cost of electricity for that period may rise.
A costly plant is not always an off-merit plant
It would be misleading to assume that every expensive power plant is operated unnecessarily or in violation of the merit order.
The system operator may have to dispatch a particular plant to maintain voltage, manage a transmission limitation, replace an unavailable generator or protect the stability of the grid in a specific region.
ISMO therefore publishes system reports alongside the economic merit order, including information on plants operated for system security and under security-constrained dispatch. These reports are essential for distinguishing between a plant dispatched because of its cost ranking and one operated because of a technical or grid-security requirement.
Solar is lowering costs, but the grid needs flexibility
It would be wrong to describe solar power itself as the problem.
Solar is providing consumers with lower-cost daytime electricity, reducing their reliance on imported fuels and easing pressure on the grid during sunny hours.
The real difficulty is that Pakistan’s electricity system was largely designed for a period when consumer demand was more predictable and most electricity was supplied directly through the national grid.
Today, grid sales decline during the day, but sufficient generation capacity must still be kept available to serve consumers after sunset. The system must therefore maintain coal, gas, RLNG, hydropower and other plants even though consumers may purchase fewer grid units during daylight hours.
The question that matters to consumers
The increased use of imported coal despite record hydropower shows that producing cheap electricity is not enough. The electricity must also be available at the time consumers need it.
If abundant solar and hydropower are available during the day but cannot be stored for evening use, the system must return to conventional thermal plants after sunset.
Possible responses include battery storage, pumped hydropower, better forecasting of distributed solar production, cheaper daytime electricity for industry, incentives for consumers to shift demand and sufficient flexible generation to respond to the evening increase.
Why greater data transparency matters
Publishing total demand and marginal prices is an important start, but a complete public record should also show hourly gross demand, demand remaining after distributed solar, the fuel mix, the plant setting the marginal price and the reason for operating any plant outside the normal merit order.
This would allow consumers and researchers to identify the hour in which demand rose most sharply, the higher-cost plant that entered the system and whether its operation was caused by fuel shortages, transmission restrictions, technical requirements or weak planning.
The central lesson from the financial year 2025-26 is clear. Pakistan is moving from a simple electricity-supply problem towards a challenge involving timing, flexibility and storage.
Even record hydropower generation cannot eliminate imported-fuel dependence unless low-cost daytime electricity can be shifted to the evening.
Slowing the solar transition is not the answer. Pakistan needs a grid capable of storing cheap daytime power, delivering it after sunset and using expensive imported fuels only when no lower-cost alternative is available.

Karachi’s inclusion in the latest list of the world’s least liveable cities should not surprise anyone. Karachi ranks at 170 out of 173 global cities; the cities which are least livable. For decades, the city has struggled with water shortages, damaged roads, inadequate public transport, poor sanitation, unplanned construction and weak municipal services.
The issue, however, extends far beyond international rankings or the daily inconvenience faced by residents. A city’s liveability has a direct impact on its real estate market, the actual value of its properties, rental demand, construction activity and long term investment potential.
People do not simply purchase a house, apartment or plot. They also purchase access to roads, water, sewerage, electricity, transport, schools, hospitals, security and employment. When these basic services remain unreliable, even expensive properties and modern housing projects become less secure and less sustainable investments.
The Economist Intelligence Unit’s latest Global Liveability Index places numbers against conditions Karachi’s residents experience every day. Traffic congestion, inadequate healthcare, deteriorating infrastructure, poor public services and continuing concerns about stability have all weakened the city’s overall quality of life.
From a real estate perspective, this raises several important questions. Does a high property price necessarily represent genuine value? Can a housing project be considered successful when residents must purchase water through private tankers? Is an apartment a safe investment when fire safety, parking, drainage and emergency access remain inadequate?
A widening gap has developed between property prices and the quality of urban life in Karachi. Homes, apartments and plots have become more expensive in many areas, but public infrastructure has not improved at the same pace. Buyers often pay a high price for property and then spend additional money on water, electricity backup, security, transport and private maintenance.
The latest delay affecting the K Four water supply project is a clear example of the wider problem. The project was launched to provide relief to a city facing a severe water shortage. Its first phase is now expected to be completed by the end of 2029 because of legal obstacles, weak coordination among institutions and implementation difficulties.
By the time the project is completed, Karachi’s population and water demand will have increased further. There is a real possibility that the planned capacity, considered adequate when the project was designed, may no longer be enough to meet the city’s needs.
Water shortages have a direct impact on property markets. They increase the cost of living, encourage tenants to search for alternative areas, make building maintenance more difficult and force developers to arrange expensive private infrastructure. In some neighbourhoods, property prices continue to rise on paper while the true cost of living in those properties also increases sharply.
Pakistan has developed a troubling pattern in the delivery of major infrastructure projects. A crisis is first recognised, a project is announced and work begins. The project then faces funding shortages, legal disputes, administrative disagreements and repeated reviews. By the time it is completed, the original problem has often become much larger.
Such delays are especially damaging for Karachi because it is not an ordinary city. It is Pakistan’s largest urban centre, its main port, financial capital and leading commercial hub. Failures involving Karachi’s roads, water, transport and municipal systems affect not only local residents but also industry, trade, employment and the wider national economy.
Traffic congestion raises the cost of moving people and goods. Water shortages increase operating costs for industries and housing projects. Damaged roads reduce access to commercial districts, while unreliable municipal services weaken the confidence of local and foreign investors.
These conditions affect both residential and commercial property. Areas with better roads, water, drainage and public transport generally attract stronger demand. Areas with poor infrastructure face uncertain property values, higher construction costs and greater investment risks.
A recent discussion before a parliamentary committee highlighted the continuing shortage of funding for important development projects. Lawmakers from Sindh again raised concerns about inadequate federal allocations, while officials acknowledged that financial constraints repeatedly disrupt ongoing schemes.
Whether the issue involves the K Four project, the M Six motorway or another major transport and infrastructure programme, repeated delays also create uncertainty in real estate planning. Developers, buyers and investors frequently make decisions on the assumption that promised roads, transport links or utilities will be completed on time. When deadlines are repeatedly revised, those property decisions are also affected.
Karachi’s institutional structure is another major part of the problem. Responsibility for land, construction, water, roads, sanitation, transport and building control is divided among several agencies. When authority is fragmented, accountability becomes weak.
This institutional division contributes to unplanned urban expansion, illegal construction, poor building control, weak master planning and the uncontrolled conversion of residential areas into commercial zones.
Karachi’s residents and businesses deserve better. In a city that supports a large share of Pakistan’s economy, clean water, functioning transport, safe buildings, sanitation and dependable municipal services should be treated as basic requirements rather than optional improvements.
The latest liveability ranking should not be viewed only as an international embarrassment. It is also a domestic question of accountability. Reports have been written, committees have been formed, projects have been announced and completion dates have been repeatedly revised. Yet the expected improvement in daily urban life has not followed.
Karachi does not need another diagnosis. It needs effective urban governance, a clear and enforceable master plan, consistent infrastructure investment and meaningful coordination between the institutions responsible for running the city.
Sustainable real estate growth will only be possible when improvements in property prices are matched by improvements in living standards. The true value of a city is not created only by high rise buildings, expensive plots and new developments. It is created by water, roads, transport, safety and effective urban management.
Until these basic issues are addressed, Karachi’s weak position in global liveability rankings will not be an unexpected outcome. It will remain the predictable result of decades of inadequate planning, administrative neglect and insufficient investment in essential urban infrastructure.

A fundamental feature of property disputes in Pakistan and India is that the person recorded as the legal owner in official documents is often different from the person who has physical possession of the land, house or commercial property.

One party may produce a registered sale deed, mutation entry, land ownership record, inheritance document or court order, while the other relies on prolonged possession, construction, residence, cultivation, electricity bills or testimony from local witnesses as evidence supporting their claim.

This contradiction lies at the heart of a significant number of civil cases involving title to property, recovery of possession, partition, inheritance, injunctions, sale agreements and cancellation of mutation entries.

Where Did the Idea of Fifty Years of Possession Come From?

A widespread public belief suggests that a person who remains in possession of a property for fifty years automatically becomes its legal owner. In reality, no general fifty year rule existed under the laws of British India.

Under the Limitation Act 1908, the general limitation period associated with adverse possession was twelve years. The principle was intended to address situations in which the original owner failed to approach a court for the protection of their rights for an extended period, while another person remained openly in possession of the property in direct denial of the owner’s title.

After the expiry of the prescribed period, the original owner’s legal claim could, in certain circumstances, become barred.

However, not every instance of prolonged possession amounts to adverse possession. A tenant, agricultural tenant, licensee, caretaker, relative or person residing with the permission of the owner does not become the owner merely because time has passed.

To establish adverse possession, it must be proved that the person in possession clearly rejected the title of the original owner, maintained continuous and visible possession, and that the original owner was aware of the hostile nature of that possession.

The Current Law in India

Under India’s Limitation Act 1963, the general period for filing a suit to recover private property is twelve years. This period begins when the defendant’s possession becomes adverse to the original owner.

For certain property claims brought by the government or a local authority, the limitation period is thirty years.

Section 27 of the Indian law further provides that the original owner’s right may be extinguished once the prescribed limitation period expires.

In 2019, the Supreme Court of India ruled that where all legal requirements of adverse possession have been fulfilled, the person in possession may rely on the right acquired through adverse possession not only as a defence but also as the basis of a claim to ownership.

Despite this position, Indian courts apply the doctrine strictly. The person claiming adverse possession must prove the date on which possession began, the nature and continuity of that possession, the boundaries of the property and clear hostility towards the title of the original owner.

Merely stating that a family has lived on the property for several decades, paid electricity bills or constructed buildings on it is not sufficient.

The Supreme Court of India has also strongly criticised the tendency of government institutions to acquire citizens’ land through adverse possession. The Court has observed that a welfare state should not rely on adverse possession to take over property belonging to its citizens.

Why Was Adverse Possession Abolished in Pakistan?

Following independence, Pakistan adopted the Limitation Act 1908. Under Section 28 and Article 144 of the Act, the original owner’s right could be extinguished in certain circumstances, allowing the right of an adverse possessor to become legally established.

In 1991, the Shariat Appellate Bench of the Supreme Court held that depriving an original owner of property merely because of the passage of time, while granting rights to an unlawful possessor, was inconsistent with Islamic principles.

To implement this judgment, Section 28 and Article 144 were deleted in 1995.

Following this change, prolonged unlawful possession in Pakistan, even for fifty years, does not automatically create ownership against the original owner.

However, the law of limitation has not been abolished in its entirety. Limitation periods still apply to claims based on previous possession, eviction, contracts, inheritance and various other rights.

Every dispute must therefore be examined separately according to the nature of the claim, the legal basis of possession and the relevant statutory provision.

The Difference Between a Registered Deed, Mutation and Land Ownership Record

A major misconception in Pakistan is that the entry of a person’s name in a mutation or revenue record conclusively proves ownership.

Courts have repeatedly clarified that mutation entries are primarily recorded for revenue and fiscal purposes. A mutation is not, by itself, a document of title. Nor can it validate an underlying transaction affected by forgery, fraud or lack of legal authority.

A party relying on a mutation must also prove the original transaction on which it is based, such as a sale, gift, inheritance or exchange.

Similarly, a registered document can constitute strong evidence, but registration alone cannot cure every legal defect. If the person selling the property did not possess valid title, the mere registration of the sale deed cannot automatically create lawful ownership.

Why Do Ownership and Possession Become Separated?

There are several practical reasons for the separation between legal ownership and physical possession.

After the death of an owner, heirs often fail to record the inheritance mutation. Joint land may continue to be used for several generations without formal partition. Owners may move abroad or relocate to other cities.

Tenancy and caretaker arrangements are frequently made without written agreements. General powers of attorney are sometimes misused. Registered deeds, revenue records and land maps may not correspond with one another.

In some cases, a court delivers a judgment, but the decision is never incorporated into the relevant revenue record.

Similarly, a buyer may complete the registration of the property but fail to obtain formal physical possession. Some people purchase vacant plots and do not inspect them for years, creating opportunities for fraudsters and organised land grabbers.

On the other hand, some occupants may have used land for several generations but possess incomplete documentation.

In such circumstances, one party presents the legal record while the other presents the physical reality on the ground. This conflict can keep a case pending before the courts for many years.

Government and Judicial Measures in Pakistan

Pakistan enacted the Illegal Dispossession Act 2005 to protect lawful owners and legitimate occupants from people who attempt to remove them from property through force, intimidation or fraud.

The law criminalises unlawful entry into property, illegal occupation and the dispossession of an owner or lawful occupant. Subsequent amendments have further clarified the scope of the legislation.

In Punjab, land records have been computerised through the Land Records Management Information System and the Punjab Land Records Authority.

Land record centres, biometric verification, computerised ownership records and digital mutation procedures are intended to reduce human interference, unauthorised alteration of records and fraudulent mutation entries.

Under the Punjab Urban Land Systems Enhancement project, work is also under way to connect cadastral maps with ownership records, digitally map urban and semi urban land and establish an integrated land information portal.

The objective is to clearly identify the location of every parcel of land, define its boundaries and determine who is recorded as its owner.

During 2025, Punjab also enacted new legislation concerning the protection of ownership of immovable property. The law sought to provide a faster legal process against unlawful dispossession and occupation. Further amendments were introduced in 2026.

Provincial laws have also been amended to facilitate electronic registration and computerised revenue administration.

Efforts to Correct Land Records in India

In India, the Digital India Land Records Modernization Programme is being used to computerise revenue records, integrate registration with mutation procedures, digitise cadastral maps and modernise registration offices.

The National Generic Document Registration System provides states with a shared digital platform for property registration.

In inhabited rural areas, drone surveys, mapping and property cards have been introduced under the SVAMITVA programme.

Despite these initiatives, most land records in India remain presumptive in nature. This means that the record provides strong evidence of a person’s ownership but does not necessarily constitute an absolute and legally guaranteed title issued by the state in every case.

As a result, where a conflict arises between a registered deed, revenue record and physical possession, a court decision may still be required.

Why Computerisation Alone Is Not Enough

Transferring old and disputed records into a computer system without first correcting them does not resolve the underlying conflict. In some cases, it merely gives an inaccurate record a digital form.

The real requirement is to connect the registered deed, mutation, cadastral map, physical boundaries, actual possession, mortgage, court order and inheritance information with the record of the same parcel of land.

As long as different government departments continue to maintain separate and disconnected records, one person will continue to produce a registered deed, another a mutation entry and a third evidence of physical possession.

Measures Required for a Permanent Solution

Pakistan and India must move beyond the mere registration of documents and establish a comprehensive ownership system based on individual parcels of land.

Every plot, house and agricultural parcel should be assigned a permanent and unique identification number connected with the registered deed, revenue record, cadastral map, property tax, mortgage information and pending court cases.

At the time of every sale, the registration of the deed should not be sufficient on its own. A formal document recording the transfer of physical possession should also be mandatory.

This document could include biometric verification of the buyer and seller, location tagged photographs of the property, identification of its boundaries and verification by witnesses.

Whenever an application is made for a mutation, registration, mortgage or any other change in ownership, an immediate mobile phone and email notification should be sent to the recorded owner and all joint owners.

This would make it more difficult for fraudsters to change ownership records in the absence of the actual owner.

Following a court judgment, the ownership and revenue records should be updated automatically. A successful litigant should not be required to visit revenue offices, registration offices and other departments repeatedly to secure implementation of the decision.

A compulsory system should also be introduced for the partition and mutation of jointly owned and inherited property within a prescribed period.

When inheritance mutations remain unrecorded for several generations, the rights of joint owners, purchasers and occupants become severely complicated.

Simple electronic registration should also be made available for tenancy, licence, caretaking and agricultural tenancy agreements. This would prevent possession that originally began with the owner’s permission from later being presented as ownership or adverse possession.

The real cause of property disputes is not limited to land grabbing or defective documentation. It is a fragmented system in which legal ownership, revenue records, cadastral maps and physical possession operate along separate and often conflicting paths.

The doctrine of adverse possession continues to exist in India, although strict legal requirements must be fulfilled before it can be established.

Pakistan abolished the principle under which adverse possession could extinguish the original owner’s title in 1995. Nevertheless, the practical divide between documentation and possession continues to generate disputes for millions of citizens.

A permanent solution will become possible only when the government establishes an authoritative, map linked and continuously updated record for every property, and ensures that both legal ownership and physical possession are transferred simultaneously as part of the same legally recognised transaction.

The world’s greatest buildings do not become part of history solely because of their height, scale or construction cost. Some acquire lasting importance because their design reflects a deeper understanding of faith, service, human needs and cultural identity.
Dr Mohamed Kamal Ismail was one of the architects who regarded architecture not simply as a profession but as a cultural and ethical responsibility. His contribution to the expansion of the Two Holy Mosques placed him among the most influential figures associated with modern Islamic architecture.
Born in Mit Ghamr, Egypt, in 1908, Ismail studied architecture at the Royal School of Engineering, where he reportedly graduated at the top of his class. He later travelled to France for advanced study in architecture, structural engineering and Islamic architectural traditions.
After returning to Egypt, he joined the country’s Royal Buildings Authority and was appointed its director in 1948.
His career was not limited to the Two Holy Mosques. He contributed to the design of several major public and religious buildings in Egypt, including the High Court building, the Mogamma government complex, the Telephone Authority building and Salah al-Din Mosque.
These projects demonstrated his ability to combine classical monumentality, Islamic architectural references and the functional requirements of modern public institutions.
Ismail also produced an extensive encyclopedia documenting Egypt’s historic mosques. The work went beyond recording old buildings and examined proportions, courtyards, domes, arches, ventilation, natural light and the evolution of Islamic architectural styles.
Reports suggest that this research attracted the attention of Saudi Arabia’s King Fahd bin Abdulaziz. Ismail was subsequently given a leading role in the planning and expansion of the Grand Mosque in Makkah and the Prophet’s Mosque in Madinah.
Expanding Sacred Places Without Erasing Their Identity
Expanding the Two Holy Mosques was fundamentally different from developing an ordinary commercial or government project. The challenge was not simply to add more built space. Any new construction had to remain visually, functionally and spiritually connected to structures carrying centuries of religious and architectural history.
A central feature of Ismail’s approach was to ensure that the expanded areas did not appear detached from the original mosques. New prayer halls, columns, courtyards, domes, flooring and façades were designed to form part of a unified architectural composition.
At the Grand Mosque, the work included additional prayer areas, preparation of the roof for worshippers and improvements to the surrounding spaces and circulation system.
The expansion of the Prophet’s Mosque included new entrances, additional minarets, larger prayer areas, escalators and improved access to the roof.
The projects also had to address exceptionally complex operational requirements. Millions of pilgrims had to move safely through the buildings, often in extreme temperatures and during periods of intense crowding.
Natural light, ventilation, shade, cleaning systems, emergency access and the continuous movement of worshippers therefore had to be treated as integral elements of the architecture rather than secondary engineering considerations.
Designing Around Human Comfort
Human comfort was an important element of Ismail’s architectural philosophy. He sought to provide natural light and ventilation while reducing the impact of the region’s intense heat on worshippers.
The white Greek Thassos marble used across the courtyards of the Two Holy Mosques is frequently associated with this approach. Its light colour, thermal characteristics and carefully specified thickness help keep the walking surface relatively cooler than many conventional paving materials.
An account published by Egypt’s Al Ahram reported that Ismail searched for an appropriate material after considering the effect of the hot flooring on pilgrims. He selected Greek Thassos marble and paid particular attention to its thickness and installation.
A widely circulated story claims that several years after marble had been acquired for the Grand Mosque, the same material was requested for the Prophet’s Mosque. According to the account, the remaining stock was eventually located in the warehouse of a Saudi company, where it had remained unused for about 15 years. The company owner reportedly donated it for use at the Prophet’s Mosque.
The story has been repeated in numerous biographical articles and social media posts. However, its full sequence of events has not been independently established through primary government, corporate or contractual records.
What is better supported is that Thassos marble was selected for the holy sites and that Ismail placed considerable importance on material performance and the comfort of worshippers.
Architecture Is More Than Concrete and Floor Area
The expansions provide an important lesson for the wider real estate and construction sector. The success of a major project cannot be measured only by the number of additional square metres delivered. It must also be judged by how well the development understands and protects the original purpose of the place.
Religious, historic and culturally significant properties require architects to consider collective memory, environmental conditions, human behaviour and architectural identity.
An expansion that provides more space but damages the character of a historic building may achieve its numerical target while losing much of its cultural value.
Ismail attempted to connect modern engineering with familiar elements of Islamic architecture, including courtyards, domes, columns, shade, proportion, ventilation and natural light.
Moving domes, automated umbrellas, underground facilities and large circulation systems demonstrated that historic identity and modern technology do not have to compete. When properly integrated, technology can support and strengthen architectural tradition.
Service and Professional Ethics
Several biographical accounts also state that Ismail declined substantial financial compensation for his work on the Two Holy Mosques. A widely attributed statement suggests that he did not wish to turn service to the sacred sites into a source of personal profit.
The full financial and contractual details of this account are not publicly documented. Nevertheless, his modest lifestyle, limited media presence and preference to remain outside the public spotlight are repeatedly mentioned in published profiles.
He continued to live quietly and died in 2008, leaving behind buildings and research that were more widely recognised than the architect himself.
His career offers a valuable message for contemporary real estate and construction professionals. An architect’s true legacy is not limited to drawings, project budgets or gross floor area.
It is found in the comfort, dignity, cultural continuity and lasting public value created by the design.
Through his work on the Two Holy Mosques, Dr Mohamed Kamal Ismail demonstrated how architecture could bring together engineering, heritage, faith and human service.
His legacy remains a reminder that truly great buildings are not supported by concrete and stone alone. They stand on foundations of knowledge, responsibility, sincerity and purpose.

Despite encroachments over more than 12,400 acres of Pakistan Railways land, Lahore Division has generated a record Rs 3 billion through land recovery, effective management and commercial utilisation
Encroachments on Pakistan Railways land have remained a serious threat to public assets for decades. The problem not only weakens the institution’s financial position but also obstructs infrastructure development, railway modernisation and the establishment of a safer and more efficient transport system.
Against this backdrop, the National Assembly Standing Committee on Railways has taken a welcome step by seeking a comprehensive report on encroachments across the railway network.
Although the committee also reviewed recent railway accidents, the restructuring plan and progress on the Main Line One project, the occupation of railway land requires sustained attention rather than occasional parliamentary discussions and short-lived anti-encroachment drives.
According to media reports, more than 12,400 acres of Pakistan Railways land have been illegally occupied across the country, with Punjab and Sindh accounting for the largest share.
The scale of the problem reflects more than administrative weakness. It is the outcome of decades of poor enforcement, inadequate monitoring, institutional neglect and, in some cases, the alleged patronage of politically connected or influential groups.
Railway land is among the institution’s most valuable assets. A significant portion of it is located in major urban centres, commercial districts, industrial areas and along important transportation corridors.
With transparent planning and effective commercial management, these properties could provide Pakistan Railways with a substantial and sustainable source of non-fare revenue.
The consequences of encroachment extend far beyond the loss of public land. Illegal structures create difficulties in maintaining railway tracks, increase safety risks, obstruct the expansion of rail services and complicate the implementation of major infrastructure projects.
The issue becomes even more critical in the context of projects such as Main Line One and the proposed freight corridor between Pipri and Karachi. These projects require secure rights of way, clearly demarcated boundaries and effective legal protection of railway property.
Any delay in recovering occupied land is likely to increase project costs, create legal complications and make implementation more difficult. Land management must therefore be treated as a central component of railway reform rather than a secondary administrative matter.
The performance of Pakistan Railways’ Lahore Division demonstrates that encroached land can be recovered and transformed into a productive source of revenue when administrative commitment, continuous enforcement and effective land management are combined.
During the financial year 2025 26, Lahore Division generated a record Rs 3 billion through the recovery of government land, action against illegal occupants and improved commercial management of railway property.
This was Rs 1.7 billion higher than the approximately Rs1.3 billion earned during the previous financial year, making it one of the most significant financial achievements in the division’s history.
According to Divisional Superintendent Lahore Inamullah, railway land worth nearly Rs 7 billion was recovered from illegal occupation in Badami Bagh and other parts of Lahore Division.
The recovered properties included 51.1 acres of commercial land, 24 marlas of residential property and nine acres of agricultural land.
The division also moved beyond simply recovering the land. Of the reclaimed property, 34 kanals were leased again, generating additional revenue for Pakistan Railways.
This approach should be adopted across the country through a transparent, legally sound and commercially viable land management policy.
The Lahore Division’s experience reinforces the argument that the financial recovery of Pakistan Railways cannot depend solely on higher passenger fares, government subsidies or an increase in the number of trains.
The institution must generate consistent revenue from its land, commercial properties, railway stations, warehouses, parking facilities and other assets.
Pakistan Railways has also completed the geo-referencing of its land boundaries and integrated the information into a centralised digital database with real-time monitoring capabilities.
This is an important development that could improve transparency, identify new encroachments at an early stage and reduce disputes concerning ownership and boundaries.
Technology, however, cannot resolve the problem on its own. Digital maps and centralised records will only be effective when supported by timely legal action, coordination among the railway administration, district authorities and railway police, and the swift pursuit of cases before the courts.
There must also be the political will to take action against illegal occupants without discrimination.
At the same time, anti-encroachment operations must remain lawful, transparent and humane. Economically vulnerable families that have lived on railway land for long periods may require proper surveys and, where justified, rehabilitation measures.
However, there can be no justification for allowing organised land mafias, commercial occupants or influential groups to retain control over valuable public property
Lahore Division has also initiated environmentally friendly measures to protect and improve recovered railway land. In collaboration with the Parks and Horticulture Authority, green belts are being developed along both sides of the railway track from Shahdara to Raiwind.
Practical work on the initiative has already begun around Kot Lakhpat Railway Station. Such projects can help prevent fresh encroachments while improving the urban environment surrounding railway infrastructure
The directions issued by the National Assembly Standing Committee should not be reduced to a routine data collection exercise or another official report.
The findings should form the basis of a comprehensive action plan containing province-wise and division-wise targets, legal timelines, recovery priorities and clearly defined proposals for the future use of reclaimed land.
Lahore Division’s performance can serve as a pilot model for evaluating railway divisions across the country. Divisions and officials that successfully recover land and generate transparent revenue should be recognised, while responsibility must be fixed where poor performance, record manipulation or fresh encroachments are identified.
Protecting railway land is ultimately about safeguarding public property, restoring institutional credibility and creating the physical and financial space required for a modern, safe and commercially sustainable railway system.
Lahore Division has shown that government land can not only be recovered from illegal occupation but also transformed into a source of billions of rupees in revenue.
The challenge now is to turn this divisional success into a nationwide policy. Unless the state demonstrates a sustained commitment to recovering, protecting and transparently utilising these strategic assets, the broader agenda of financial and administrative reform within Pakistan Railways will remain incomplete.

The continued expansion of Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories is no longer merely a political or diplomatic issue. It has also become a core real estate dispute linked to land, ownership, demographic change and the future borders of a possible state. The recent debate at the United Nations Security Council once again made clear that the expansion of new settlements, housing units and settler outposts in the West Bank is gradually weakening the prospects of a negotiated two state solution.
The report of the UN Secretary General reiterated the established position that Israeli settlements built in the occupied territories since 1967 have no legal validity under international law. Yet the reality on the ground is that these settlements continue to expand. Every new housing unit, road, outpost and construction project further restricts the geographical continuity of Palestinian land.
The E1 corridor project is particularly sensitive. If construction activity moves forward in this area, the territorial link within the West Bank could be severely affected. A connected, viable and administratively unified Palestinian state would become even more difficult to imagine. This is why E1 is not being viewed merely as a construction or development project, but as a move that could alter the future political map.
Pakistan also highlighted this danger during the Security Council debate. Pakistan’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ambassador Asim Iftikhar Ahmad, referred to the approval or advancement of 4,750 housing units and the Israeli cabinet’s approval of 34 new settlements, warning that the West Bank is facing one of the most intense waves of settlement expansion in recent history. This concern was not limited to Pakistan; several other countries also described settlement expansion as a serious threat to the peace process.
The real issue is that changes taking place on the ground could make any future negotiations meaningless. When settler communities continue to expand in occupied areas, Palestinian access to land is restricted, homes are demolished, displacement increases and geographical continuity is broken, the idea of a two state solution risks becoming limited to diplomatic statements.
The situation in Gaza makes this crisis even more severe. Hunger, water shortages, the collapse of the healthcare system and large scale displacement have pushed the humanitarian tragedy to a dangerous level. International humanitarian law requires the protection of civilians and the unhindered delivery of aid, but both requirements appear to be repeatedly ignored in practice.
UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres has also warned that the unchecked spread of settlements is creating the worst displacement crisis in the West Bank since 1967. The rise in settler outposts is fueling violence, reducing Palestinian access to their own lands and further weakening the conditions necessary for peace.
The real question before the Security Council is not what international law says. There is already broad international consensus on that point. The real question is who will enforce that law. If practical steps are not taken to halt illegal settlement activity, permanent changes may take place on occupied Palestinian land that will be extremely difficult to reverse later.
From a real estate perspective, this conflict is about control of land, residential planning, property rights and demographic change. From a political perspective, these same construction projects are shaping the future borders of a state. That is the real gravity of the issue.
The Security Council must now move beyond statements of concern. If the international community genuinely wants to preserve the two state solution, it must show effective political will against illegal construction, settlement expansion and forced displacement on occupied land. Otherwise, the possibility of a Palestinian state will continue to shrink on the ground, and the credibility of the international system will weaken along with it.

Lahore | Muhammad Faisal Salahria ReNews Lahore
Pakistan’s cement industry is closing fiscal year 2025 26 on a relatively stronger footing, but the pace of growth remains limited. Total cement dispatches during the year are expected to cross 50 million tonnes, around 7 percent higher than the previous fiscal year.
Industry estimates suggest that the improvement is being driven mainly by domestic demand. Local dispatches are expected to rise by nearly 9 percent, while exports may decline by around 3 percent. Lower inflation, easing interest rates and improving business confidence have helped revive private construction activity to some extent.
However, the cement sector continues to face a major structural challenge. Production capacity expanded rapidly in recent years, but consumption did not grow at the same pace. Capacity utilisation is expected to improve from 56 percent last year to around 59 percent this year, still below the 65 percent level generally considered healthy for the industry.
During the peak of construction activity linked to the China Pakistan Economic Corridor and the housing incentives under the Naya Pakistan Housing Programme, cement manufacturers expanded their production lines aggressively. But economic instability, political uncertainty and repeated stabilisation programmes slowed construction activity before the new capacity could be fully absorbed.
Exports are also no longer providing the same level of support. Rising regional competition, freight costs and less favourable economic conditions have affected overseas dispatches, particularly for cement producers in southern Pakistan that depend on sea routes for exports.
Analysts believe the renewed focus on the domestic market is commercially more attractive for cement manufacturers, as local sales usually offer better pricing power and lower logistics costs. At the same time, it means the industry is now more dependent on Pakistan’s own construction cycle, public development spending and housing activity.
In the fiscal year 2026- 27 budget, the government has announced several tax measures aimed at supporting construction and real estate activity. A subsidised housing finance scheme is also expected to encourage home ownership. Still, weak housing affordability, limited household income growth, tax pressures and constrained public development spending remain key obstacles.
Industry observers say local demand is unlikely to grow fast enough in the near term to absorb Pakistan’s surplus cement capacity. However, major cement companies have focused in recent years on strengthening balance sheets, reducing production costs and diversifying export markets where possible.
For the sector, the more important requirement now may not be another temporary construction boom, but a stable economy that can generate steady domestic demand every year. Such a path could provide a stronger and more sustainable base for the industry, even if surplus capacity continues to cast a shadow over the market for some time.
The recovery in cement dispatches is encouraging, but it does not yet signal a full construction boom. The key question is whether domestic construction demand can remain steady. Lower interest rates, housing finance and budget incentives may support gradual improvement, but surplus production capacity is likely to remain a challenge in the near future

Lahore | Faisal Sulehria ReNews Pakistan
The trend of overseas Pakistanis’ investment in Pakistan’s real estate sector appears to be rising again. However, the increase remains cautious in nature. Overseas Pakistanis are showing interest in the property market, but full momentum has not yet returned due to concerns over fraud, unapproved housing schemes, possession disputes, taxes and timely completion of projects.
No separate official monthly data is regularly released on overseas Pakistanis’ real estate investment in Pakistan, making it difficult to measure this investment directly in percentage terms. However, if remittances, Roshan Digital Account inflows, government tax relief and property related facilities for overseas Pakistanis are taken into account, investment potential and interest in the sector appear to have increased during fiscal year 2025-26.
According to the figures, remittances from overseas Pakistanis stood at $4.251 billion in May 2026, showing an increase of 20.2 percent on a monthly basis and 15.4 percent on a yearly basis. During July May FY2025-26, total remittances reached $38.1 billion, which is 9.2 percent higher compared to the same period last year. According to economic experts, the rise in remittances is a positive indicator for the real estate sector, as a major portion of overseas Pakistanis’ savings is generally invested in plots, houses and commercial property.
Improvement has also been witnessed in overseas investment through the Roshan Digital Account. In April 2026, RDA inflows reached a record level of $321 million, while total inflows rose to $12.747 billion. Similarly, RDA inflows during the current fiscal year stood at $2.184 billion, higher than $1.925 billion recorded during the same period last year.
Under the State Bank’s Roshan Apna Ghar programme, non-resident Pakistanis can digitally purchase, construct or renovate a house in Pakistan. Investments made through RDA can also be repatriated abroad, indicating that a formal route for overseas Pakistanis to invest in real estate is active.
On the other hand, the government has also described measures to reduce property taxes and transaction costs in the FY2026-27 budget as important for overseas investment. According to reports, steps such as reductions in withholding tax, capital gains tax and property valuations are aimed at bringing buyers, sellers and especially overseas Pakistanis back towards the real estate market.
However, challenges still remain. The Overseas Pakistanis Foundation has also acknowledged that overseas Pakistanis are interested in real estate due to the potential for higher returns, but many have suffered losses because of fraud and non-completion of projects by developers. This is why scrutiny of housing societies that have an NOC and the required land is being considered.
According to real estate experts, any increase in overseas Pakistanis’ investment depends on trust, legal protection and approved projects. If the government ensures transparent digital records, online verification of NOCs, protection of possession rights and timely delivery of projects, investment by overseas Pakistanis in the country’s real estate sector may increase further in the coming months.

Lahore | Renews Pakistan
Agricultural land records involve far more than simply writing down the owner’s name. They form a complete administrative and legal system in which the geographical identity of land, its area, ownership share, crops, possession, mutation and maps are all interconnected. In Pakistan, particularly in rural Punjab, these records have traditionally been maintained through the Patwari system. They are now gradually being computerised and linked with Geographic Information Systems, or GIS.
Legally, a Record of Rights is prepared for every mouza, or revenue estate. It includes the rights of landowners, tenants and cultivators, their respective shares, liabilities and a map of the mouza. To understand land records, it is important to be familiar with several basic terms.
A mouza is the village or revenue area in whose name the official land record is maintained, while the hadbast number is the official identification number of that mouza. Each agricultural parcel generally has a khasra number. This can be understood as the land’s identifying number, showing where a particular field or parcel is located on the map.
A single owner, or a group of co owners, may hold land spread across several khasra numbers. Such ownership is generally recorded through a khata or khewat in the revenue record. The khata records the owner’s name, share and the khasra numbers falling under that ownership account. If someone other than the owner cultivates the land as a tenant or sharecropper, that person may be recorded in the khatooni. In simple terms, the khata provides details of ownership, while the khatooni generally reflects cultivation or possession.
Khasra Girdawari is the record in which the Patwari enters details of the crop, cultivated area and the actual cultivator after inspecting the field. It is not conclusive proof of ownership. Rather, it is an official record of land use and cultivation status.
Jamabandi is the comprehensive Record of Rights for a mouza. It may include the name of the owner, ownership share, khasra number, area of land, cultivator, type of land and certain revenue liabilities. When a person needs official proof of the entry relating to their land, they obtain a certified extract from the Jamabandi, known as a Fard. A Fard shows the current entry relating to a particular owner, khata or khasra number.
The Shajra or Latha is used to connect the written record with the actual location on the ground. It is a map of the mouza showing khasra numbers and the position of land parcels. This map becomes especially important in boundary demarcation, partition and land disputes.
The process of changing an entry in a Patwari register also follows a formal procedure. When land is purchased, inherited, gifted, mortgaged or affected by a court order, the change is first reported to the revenue authorities. This initial report is entered in the Roznamcha Waqiati, the daily diary that records important revenue events.
After this, a mutation, locally known as Intiqal, is entered. Mutation is the recording of a change in the revenue record, such as transferring land to legal heirs after the death of an owner or recording the buyer’s name after a sale. The relevant revenue officer verifies the parties, documents and the claim to the right before approving the mutation. Once approved, the change is reflected in the subsequent Jamabandi and Fard.
One important legal point must be understood clearly: mutation and Fard are significant official records, but mutation by itself does not create ownership. In a disputed case, the registered sale deed, inheritance documents, gift deed, court order and other evidence must also be examined. A mutation is primarily a revenue entry and is not automatically a title document.
Under the traditional system, the Patwari maintained records of the mouzas within his jurisdiction in the form of Jamabandi, Khasra Girdawari, mutation registers, Roznamcha and Shajra maps. Record rooms at the tehsil and district levels also played an important role in preserving these documents. A key strength of this system was that it allowed continuous recording of crops, possession and local land conditions. However, manual records also created risks of delays, errors, restricted access and possible manipulation.
This is why Punjab moved towards computerisation of land records. Under the Punjab Land Records Authority, Arazi Record Centres provide services such as the issuance of Fard, ownership verification and certain mutation services through a one window system. The aim is to reduce reliance on manual processes and create a more transparent, centralised and GIS linked land record system.
However, digitisation does not automatically resolve all issues involving old maps, joint ownership, boundary demarcation or possession disputes. For example, a co owner’s share may be recorded in a joint khata, but a specific physical parcel is not considered separately owned until a formal partition, measurement and mapping process has taken place.
Other countries have modernised land records in different ways. India has a historically similar system, where concepts such as Record of Rights, khasra and khatooni are widely used. Several Indian states are now connecting ownership records with digital cadastral maps so that maps can also be updated promptly after mutation or partition.
In England and Wales, the central land record is maintained through a Title Register and Title Plan. The Title Register records the legal owner, mortgages, rights of way and other legal restrictions, while the Title Plan shows the general boundaries of the land. Ownership and legal burdens can therefore be accessed through a central registry in a relatively clear manner.
New Zealand has maintained land titles, survey plans and property transactions through an electronic system since 2002. There, legal boundaries are connected to accurate survey plans, and new titles are issued following the subdivision of land.
For Pakistan, an effective system would be one in which registered deeds, mutations, Fards, khasra numbers, Shajra maps, court orders, mortgages and GIS maps are all available through one integrated digital platform. If maps and land areas are updated immediately with every mutation, and citizens can access verifiable historical records, land disputes and fraudulent transactions can be reduced significantly.
Finally, before buying agricultural land or dividing inherited property, no one should rely on a Fard alone. A current Fard, Jamabandi, khasra number, Shajra map, mutation record, registered deed, possession status, possible mortgage and the status of joint ownership must all be carefully checked.

Lahore | ReNews Pakistan
Punjab’s decision to introduce Green Property Certificates is a significant move towards greater transparency, legal security and investor confidence in the real estate sector. Property transactions have long been affected by concerns over unclear ownership records, forged documents, disputed plots and unapproved housing schemes. A credible digital verification mechanism can substantially reduce these risks.
A Green Property Certificate can help a prospective buyer verify that the property record is accurate, ownership is identifiable and no known legal or administrative issue appears in the available official record. This will make due diligence easier before a transaction is completed and may reduce the likelihood of fake files, double selling and ownership-related disputes.
The initiative also carries important economic value. When property information is reliable, accessible and officially verified, buyers, investors and banks can make decisions with greater confidence. Properties carrying clear and verifiable records are likely to attract stronger demand, improve their market value and become easier to use as collateral for bank financing.
However, the success of the system will depend on implementation. Certificate issuance must be fast, affordable and understandable for ordinary citizens. Government land records must be updated regularly, online verification should be dependable, complaints must be resolved promptly and unapproved schemes should be clearly identified.
With effective execution, Green Property Certificates can make Punjab’s property market safer, more organised and more investment-friendly. Rather than merely adding another document to a transaction, the initiative has the potential to build trust across the entire real estate ecosystem.

Australia | ReNews Pakistan Australian supermodel and entrepreneur Elle Macpherson has quietly built a significant international property portfolio over the past two decades, highlighting how high-net-worth individuals leverage real estate as both a lifestyle asset and a long-term investment. Among her holdings was a Florida estate in Coral Gables, purchased in 2018 for approximately US $8.1 million. The property, spread across more than 1.7 acres, featured a six-bedroom main residence, multiple bathrooms, and outdoor amenities, including a saltwater pool. In 2024, the estate was sold for US $18.5 million, reflecting substantial appreciation over a six-year period. Macpherson also owned a large estate in Aspen, Colorado, acquired in 2007 for around US $36.5 million. The property, located in an exclusive gated community with luxury features, was later listed for sale in 2015. Her portfolio has included urban residences, such as a New York City apartment on the Upper East Side, which she sold in 2017 for approximately US $2.4 million after owning it since 1993. In the United Kingdom, she sold a Notting Hill home in London in 2009, which she had purchased three years earlier, and also held a lakeside property in the Cotswolds that she helped design. These real estate transactions demonstrate how strategic acquisitions and timed sales have allowed Macpherson to preserve and grow wealth while maintaining properties that reflect personal lifestyle preferences. The portfolio illustrates a wider trend among celebrities and high-net-worth investors of diversifying assets internationally, combining residential use with investment objectives. Macpherson’s property investments form a part of her broader business interests, which include ventures in fashion, wellness, and media. The approach reflects careful planning and long-term value considerations typical of high-profile investors in global real estate markets.